Hamm, Charles. 1989. "Graceland Revisited."
In his article “Graceland Revisited,” Charles Hamm criticizes Graceland apologists’ claims that Paul Simon’s album was beneficial to South African musicians, avoided politics for the musicians’ safety, and represented a rebuttal to apartheid. Hamm writes that Ladysmith Black Mambazo, a primary collaborator with Simon, was a well-established and wealthy South African music group that played mostly abroad. Hamm points out that South Africans associate Lady Smith Black Mambazo “musically and politically with conservative black elements within South Africa” (300) because the group avoids politics in most of its songs. Citing the Lady Smith Black Mambazo example, Hamm claims that Graceland was not beneficial to new musicians nor was Simon necessarily avoiding anti-apartheid lyrics to protect his collaborators. Hamm also points out that racially-diverse bands were tolerated in South Africa as a public relations stunt. In fact, the release of Graceland in South Africa was “widely covered in the pro-government press” (302) and praised by the government for the mix of South African music and American pop. Consequentially, in spite the racial diversity of its musicians, Hamm claims that Graceland cannot be viewed as anti-apartheid.
Hamm brings up a lot of interesting criticism about the about Graceland’s perception. However, I don’t see any criticism aimed at the album himself; the articles focuses entirely on debunking certain positive claims about the album rather than making negative statements about the album’s production. The only mention of anything ethically hazy is Simon’s “defiance of UNESCO’s cultural boycotts” (300). I personally don’t see anything wrong with the fact that this album is a-political, features established musicians, and was unfortunately used as PR material by a racist government, but I would like to know what the class thinks. Given the times, was it unethical that Graceland did not have an anti-apartheid message? Should Simon been more politically aggressive?
I want to point out that I have not done the second reading for Tuesday yet, which may address some of the ethical issues directly related to the album’s production.
Monday, November 24, 2008
Wednesday, November 19, 2008
Sunday, November 16, 2008
Challenge Question Response to Feedback
Jake's Question and My Response
Jake's Feedback
My Response to the Feedback:
I want to address some the question and observations you brought up in your response to my post:
Towards the end of your paper you discuss ethics, and you’re right to point out that ethical problems still exist with insider ethnographies. In a response to one of my challenge questions, Joe Maurer wrote about importance of outsider ethnographies in a world where insider ethnographies are available, and he made a similar observation. Joe argued that insider ethnographers may miss/exclude important details that an outsider would pick up on, and ultimately concluded that including both insider and outsider ethnographies is important to understanding a music-culture. After reading Joe’s response, I realized that I was too quick to write-off outsider ethnographies. As you mentioned, both ethnographies lend themselves to different ethical problems and bias, so the only way a scholar can hope to begin to understand a music-culture is to read both. I should have focused more on further elaborating my point that outsider ethnographies are over-represented rather than try to calculate the relative values of insider and outsider ethnographies.
Besides the discussion about the value of insider versus outsider ethnographies, I was trying to show that the predominance of westerners in the field perpetuate colonial relationships, not because of how they approach their field topics, but simply because of their predominance in an age where equal representation is feasible. My intentions were to extol insider ethnographies by debasing outsider ethnographies rather than raise the issue of improper representation. That was a poor logic/writing choice on my part. Therefore, I wasn’t trying to suggest that “the idea of a western traveler being exposed to a new culture pre-disposes us to think of that culture as an ‘other’ ” though my rant on etic perspectives probably did.
Even though my response did not intentionally address this idea, you do bring up an interesting question: “is emphasizing the non-western-ness of a culture the same as emphasizing the western-ness of the ethnomusicologist?” I think the answer is yes, it does. If I’m interpreting your question correctly, “Emphasizing the non-western-ness of a culture” is the same as highlighting the unfamiliar traits. The purpose of ethnographies should not be to point-out or only focus on what is foreign, but to explain what effect these foreign and similar traits have on a music-culture and how/why they arose within the culture. Familiar traits in a music-culture are just as valuable as the non-familiar. Therefore, when an ethnomusicologist wishes to describe a music culture without comparison to another culture, there should theoretically be no distinction between the unfamiliar and the familiar. I would like to a write a whole response to that question, but this isn’t the essay do that in. This is a good challenge question in itself.
Thanks for all the positive comments on my response. I also appreciated your feedback. You made me think about some important points in my response, and you posed ideas that I did not even consider.
Jake's Feedback
My Response to the Feedback:
I want to address some the question and observations you brought up in your response to my post:
Towards the end of your paper you discuss ethics, and you’re right to point out that ethical problems still exist with insider ethnographies. In a response to one of my challenge questions, Joe Maurer wrote about importance of outsider ethnographies in a world where insider ethnographies are available, and he made a similar observation. Joe argued that insider ethnographers may miss/exclude important details that an outsider would pick up on, and ultimately concluded that including both insider and outsider ethnographies is important to understanding a music-culture. After reading Joe’s response, I realized that I was too quick to write-off outsider ethnographies. As you mentioned, both ethnographies lend themselves to different ethical problems and bias, so the only way a scholar can hope to begin to understand a music-culture is to read both. I should have focused more on further elaborating my point that outsider ethnographies are over-represented rather than try to calculate the relative values of insider and outsider ethnographies.
Besides the discussion about the value of insider versus outsider ethnographies, I was trying to show that the predominance of westerners in the field perpetuate colonial relationships, not because of how they approach their field topics, but simply because of their predominance in an age where equal representation is feasible. My intentions were to extol insider ethnographies by debasing outsider ethnographies rather than raise the issue of improper representation. That was a poor logic/writing choice on my part. Therefore, I wasn’t trying to suggest that “the idea of a western traveler being exposed to a new culture pre-disposes us to think of that culture as an ‘other’ ” though my rant on etic perspectives probably did.
Even though my response did not intentionally address this idea, you do bring up an interesting question: “is emphasizing the non-western-ness of a culture the same as emphasizing the western-ness of the ethnomusicologist?” I think the answer is yes, it does. If I’m interpreting your question correctly, “Emphasizing the non-western-ness of a culture” is the same as highlighting the unfamiliar traits. The purpose of ethnographies should not be to point-out or only focus on what is foreign, but to explain what effect these foreign and similar traits have on a music-culture and how/why they arose within the culture. Familiar traits in a music-culture are just as valuable as the non-familiar. Therefore, when an ethnomusicologist wishes to describe a music culture without comparison to another culture, there should theoretically be no distinction between the unfamiliar and the familiar. I would like to a write a whole response to that question, but this isn’t the essay do that in. This is a good challenge question in itself.
Thanks for all the positive comments on my response. I also appreciated your feedback. You made me think about some important points in my response, and you posed ideas that I did not even consider.
Wednesday, November 12, 2008
Challenge Question Feedback
My Question:
The ability to learn about a culture’s music and the role of that music within culture is easier because of technology. Information can “come from the source;” people from around the world can publish their work for a wider audience. If insider ethnographies exist with more frequency, what is place of outsider ethnographies? Do we need an outsider’s ethnography on a culture when we can readily get an insider’s?
Joe’s Response
My Feedback:
Hey Joe! It’s interesting that you chose to write on this question because I ended up answering a version of this same question in my response. Perhaps I twisted Jake’s question in order to answer as I did because I find the place of ethnomusicology in the modern age an interesting topic. In his question, Jake asked about whether the field of ethnomusicology “perpetuates the colonial relationship between cultures of unequal status.” I answered that it does, arguing that even in a time when technology allows for access to insider ethnographies, the field is still dominated by outsider ethnographies written mostly by westerners. Even though I argued that outsider ethnographies should be obsolete in a modern age, I wasn’t arguing from my heart, and I agree with you that there is just as much wealth in outsider ethnographies as there are in insider ethnographies; some observations will be missed by insider ethnographers, and combining perspectives gives us greater insight into music cultures. Though my response to Jake’s question wasn’t what I asked of you, I think our responses are related. You argued very well that outsider ethnographies are important, but I still think the dominance of them in the field is something that needs to be addressed.
So I’m wondering what you think, Joe. We both agree that outsider ethnographies are important, but are they over-represented in the field? If different voices are equally valid, is the voice of an outsider not trained in ethnomusicology as important as the voice of an outsider trained ethnomusicology? After all, ethnomusicologists may have biases taught into them by having to study western anthropological theory that you or I may not have. If our outsider opinions are as valid, what should the goals of trained ethnomusicologists be in a century when so many varying opinions are available because of technology? What makes trained ethnomusicologists perspectives unique that would justify their dominance, or does the academic field need to evolve to changing times?
The ability to learn about a culture’s music and the role of that music within culture is easier because of technology. Information can “come from the source;” people from around the world can publish their work for a wider audience. If insider ethnographies exist with more frequency, what is place of outsider ethnographies? Do we need an outsider’s ethnography on a culture when we can readily get an insider’s?
Joe’s Response
My Feedback:
Hey Joe! It’s interesting that you chose to write on this question because I ended up answering a version of this same question in my response. Perhaps I twisted Jake’s question in order to answer as I did because I find the place of ethnomusicology in the modern age an interesting topic. In his question, Jake asked about whether the field of ethnomusicology “perpetuates the colonial relationship between cultures of unequal status.” I answered that it does, arguing that even in a time when technology allows for access to insider ethnographies, the field is still dominated by outsider ethnographies written mostly by westerners. Even though I argued that outsider ethnographies should be obsolete in a modern age, I wasn’t arguing from my heart, and I agree with you that there is just as much wealth in outsider ethnographies as there are in insider ethnographies; some observations will be missed by insider ethnographers, and combining perspectives gives us greater insight into music cultures. Though my response to Jake’s question wasn’t what I asked of you, I think our responses are related. You argued very well that outsider ethnographies are important, but I still think the dominance of them in the field is something that needs to be addressed.
So I’m wondering what you think, Joe. We both agree that outsider ethnographies are important, but are they over-represented in the field? If different voices are equally valid, is the voice of an outsider not trained in ethnomusicology as important as the voice of an outsider trained ethnomusicology? After all, ethnomusicologists may have biases taught into them by having to study western anthropological theory that you or I may not have. If our outsider opinions are as valid, what should the goals of trained ethnomusicologists be in a century when so many varying opinions are available because of technology? What makes trained ethnomusicologists perspectives unique that would justify their dominance, or does the academic field need to evolve to changing times?
Monday, November 10, 2008
Critical Review #9
Pacini Hernandez, Deborah. 1998. “Dancing with the Enemy: Cuban Popular Music, Race, Authenticity, and the World-Music Landscape.” Latin American Perspectives 25(3):110-125.
In her article “Dancing with the Enemy,” Deborah Pacini Hernandez writes about the history of Cuban music’s introduction into the western music and recording scene. Hernandez focuses a majority of her article on outlining Cuban music’s incorporation into the world-music genre.
Following the revolution, the Cuban government condemned racial prejudice and encouraged the cultivation of a unified Cuban identify rooted in African and Caribbean culture. The government provided financial support and elevated Afro-Cuban music and dance, particularly the rumba, to the status of national symbols (115). Other forms Caribbean music, such as salsa, emphasized Spanish roots. Because of Cuban’s music emphasis on its African roots, it was not originally produced on Latin music labels. Hernandez argues that this racial aspect “positioned Cuban music to enjoy easy acceptance within world-music networks” (116), whose primarily listeners were westerners attracted to the clear connections to traditional, in this case African/black, roots.
Question: Though the world-music label provided an outlet of Cuban and other musics to spread, does the phrase “world-music” have a harmful effect as well? Even if music becomes known because of these labels, is it right to use them?
In her article “Dancing with the Enemy,” Deborah Pacini Hernandez writes about the history of Cuban music’s introduction into the western music and recording scene. Hernandez focuses a majority of her article on outlining Cuban music’s incorporation into the world-music genre.
Following the revolution, the Cuban government condemned racial prejudice and encouraged the cultivation of a unified Cuban identify rooted in African and Caribbean culture. The government provided financial support and elevated Afro-Cuban music and dance, particularly the rumba, to the status of national symbols (115). Other forms Caribbean music, such as salsa, emphasized Spanish roots. Because of Cuban’s music emphasis on its African roots, it was not originally produced on Latin music labels. Hernandez argues that this racial aspect “positioned Cuban music to enjoy easy acceptance within world-music networks” (116), whose primarily listeners were westerners attracted to the clear connections to traditional, in this case African/black, roots.
Question: Though the world-music label provided an outlet of Cuban and other musics to spread, does the phrase “world-music” have a harmful effect as well? Even if music becomes known because of these labels, is it right to use them?
Thursday, November 6, 2008
Challenge Question Response
Question
Some of the readings we have done (Agawu, for example) have offered the view that ethnomusicology in some way perpetuates the colonial relationship between cultures of unequal status in world influence. These views range from the historical observation that ethnomusicology was born from the ideals of a western-centric society to the claim that the very act of studying another culture imposes, to some degree, a different culture upon it. Rather than discussing a specific reading, please focus on your own opinions as to where ethnomusicology falls on this admittedly broad spectrum. Feel free to offer suggestions for improvement, if you have them, but don't feel pressured to offer a solution to an issue that has plagued the entire field for decades. Please address this topic in either a 2-3 page paper or a 4-6 minute interpretive dance.
Response
It is important to separate the goals of ethnomusicology from the practice of ethnomusicology. Ethnomusicologists are interested in how the particulars of music (rhythm, melody, timbre, instrumentation, etc) arise in a culture and what role the music has in/on that culture. Defined goals such as these are common to all academic fields, and are not inherently bad. Though the goals of ethnomusicology are noble, the practice of ethnomusicology can be problematic. Western ethnographers are over represented in ethnomusicological writing, which perpetuates colonial relationships present in the field since its inception.
One ideal of ethnomusicology is to learn about a culture directly from "the source” but ethnomusicology from the first half of the 20th century could not achieve this. Transportation technology made direct communication between cultures impossible on a large scale; it was impractical for many people to experience a music-culture directly. Ethnomusicology unavoidably lent itself to the predominance of western scholars- the field needed the "crutch" of the traveling ethnomusicologist to record culture and report back with findings. Because of the importance of the traveling scholar in early ethnomusicology, most published ethnographies came from westerners rather than from the practitioner's of the music-cultures being studied.
One of the benefits of better transportation and telecommunication technology for ethnomusicology is the opportunity to reach this ideal of learning about a culture directly from "the source". Online publications such as in blogs make it possible to read about music-cultures from practitioners while affordable, fast, and reliable travel gives ethnomusicologists the opportunity to bring "the source" home. With the onset of these technological advances, I would expect the need for the "crutch" of a western traveling ethnographer to disappear. It would be possible for more papers to be written by non-westerners. This would be a more direct way getting information. We always filter cultures through our own bias. Reading an etic ethnography forces us to filter this culture twice-once through the ethnographer and once through ourselves, the readers. In technological society, there would be less of a place for outsider ethnographies; scholars could read ethnographies written by people who are part of the music-cultures they are writing about.
Though the world has experienced technological changes that could have these impacts on ethnomusicology, the field is still dominated by western ethnographers and is not a universal discipline. Universities still train budding ethnomusicologists in western theory to be applied to other cultures. Agawu points out that universities pay for westerners to travel to and study African cultures, instead of paying for Africans to study their own culture. While there may be something to gained from reading an outsider perspective on a culture, reading an insider perspective is a more efficient way of transferring information. Insider ethnographies are not by plagued by as many ethical problems traditional ethnographies are. In a time when technology allows for the benefits emic ethnographies, the predominance of western ethnographers in 1950s seems less shocking to me than their predominance today.
Some of the readings we have done (Agawu, for example) have offered the view that ethnomusicology in some way perpetuates the colonial relationship between cultures of unequal status in world influence. These views range from the historical observation that ethnomusicology was born from the ideals of a western-centric society to the claim that the very act of studying another culture imposes, to some degree, a different culture upon it. Rather than discussing a specific reading, please focus on your own opinions as to where ethnomusicology falls on this admittedly broad spectrum. Feel free to offer suggestions for improvement, if you have them, but don't feel pressured to offer a solution to an issue that has plagued the entire field for decades. Please address this topic in either a 2-3 page paper or a 4-6 minute interpretive dance.
Response
It is important to separate the goals of ethnomusicology from the practice of ethnomusicology. Ethnomusicologists are interested in how the particulars of music (rhythm, melody, timbre, instrumentation, etc) arise in a culture and what role the music has in/on that culture. Defined goals such as these are common to all academic fields, and are not inherently bad. Though the goals of ethnomusicology are noble, the practice of ethnomusicology can be problematic. Western ethnographers are over represented in ethnomusicological writing, which perpetuates colonial relationships present in the field since its inception.
One ideal of ethnomusicology is to learn about a culture directly from "the source” but ethnomusicology from the first half of the 20th century could not achieve this. Transportation technology made direct communication between cultures impossible on a large scale; it was impractical for many people to experience a music-culture directly. Ethnomusicology unavoidably lent itself to the predominance of western scholars- the field needed the "crutch" of the traveling ethnomusicologist to record culture and report back with findings. Because of the importance of the traveling scholar in early ethnomusicology, most published ethnographies came from westerners rather than from the practitioner's of the music-cultures being studied.
One of the benefits of better transportation and telecommunication technology for ethnomusicology is the opportunity to reach this ideal of learning about a culture directly from "the source". Online publications such as in blogs make it possible to read about music-cultures from practitioners while affordable, fast, and reliable travel gives ethnomusicologists the opportunity to bring "the source" home. With the onset of these technological advances, I would expect the need for the "crutch" of a western traveling ethnographer to disappear. It would be possible for more papers to be written by non-westerners. This would be a more direct way getting information. We always filter cultures through our own bias. Reading an etic ethnography forces us to filter this culture twice-once through the ethnographer and once through ourselves, the readers. In technological society, there would be less of a place for outsider ethnographies; scholars could read ethnographies written by people who are part of the music-cultures they are writing about.
Though the world has experienced technological changes that could have these impacts on ethnomusicology, the field is still dominated by western ethnographers and is not a universal discipline. Universities still train budding ethnomusicologists in western theory to be applied to other cultures. Agawu points out that universities pay for westerners to travel to and study African cultures, instead of paying for Africans to study their own culture. While there may be something to gained from reading an outsider perspective on a culture, reading an insider perspective is a more efficient way of transferring information. Insider ethnographies are not by plagued by as many ethical problems traditional ethnographies are. In a time when technology allows for the benefits emic ethnographies, the predominance of western ethnographers in 1950s seems less shocking to me than their predominance today.
Monday, November 3, 2008
Critical Review #8
Campbell, Gavin James. 1997. “‘Old Can Be Used Instead of New’: Shape-Note Singing and the Crisis of Modernity in the New South, 1880-1920.” Journal of American Folklore 110(436):169-188.
In her article “Old Can be Used Instead of New” Gavin James Campbell describes the internal debate that occurred in the late 18th and early 20th centuries in the shape-note singing community over the direction of their music tradition. Campbell explains how the post-civil war introduction of gospel music in the South became synonymous with seven-shape note singing and created controversy with the four-shape note Sacred Harp tradition. Supporters saw the simple melodies with major harmonies in gospel music as progressive. Others saw it as a point of pride to continue singing the tradition songs from The Sacred Harp.
Campbell also gives a brief history of the revisions of The Sacred Harp during the time period. Though most editions that removed, and reharmonized old hymns while adding more gospel tunes failed to gain popularity, Joseph James’ minimalist revision satisfied conservative singers, yet still had an air of progress; James used better printing plates for his edition, and he included corrections, new as well as unpublished old tunes in an appendix, and detailed statistics about the book. Thus, James’ edition was a book both “rooted in timeless, universal values, and in the specific context of the turn of the century debates over progress and modernity” (183).
In writing about this debate in the shape-note singing tradition and revisions of The Sacred Harp, Campbell shows that shape-note singing was not a rigid tradition, but was subject to differing opinions and its own evolution.
Question: How should a music group or any music tradition moderate between tradition and modernity? Was it handled well in the shape-note singing tradition? Is there a “well”?
In her article “Old Can be Used Instead of New” Gavin James Campbell describes the internal debate that occurred in the late 18th and early 20th centuries in the shape-note singing community over the direction of their music tradition. Campbell explains how the post-civil war introduction of gospel music in the South became synonymous with seven-shape note singing and created controversy with the four-shape note Sacred Harp tradition. Supporters saw the simple melodies with major harmonies in gospel music as progressive. Others saw it as a point of pride to continue singing the tradition songs from The Sacred Harp.
Campbell also gives a brief history of the revisions of The Sacred Harp during the time period. Though most editions that removed, and reharmonized old hymns while adding more gospel tunes failed to gain popularity, Joseph James’ minimalist revision satisfied conservative singers, yet still had an air of progress; James used better printing plates for his edition, and he included corrections, new as well as unpublished old tunes in an appendix, and detailed statistics about the book. Thus, James’ edition was a book both “rooted in timeless, universal values, and in the specific context of the turn of the century debates over progress and modernity” (183).
In writing about this debate in the shape-note singing tradition and revisions of The Sacred Harp, Campbell shows that shape-note singing was not a rigid tradition, but was subject to differing opinions and its own evolution.
Question: How should a music group or any music tradition moderate between tradition and modernity? Was it handled well in the shape-note singing tradition? Is there a “well”?
Monday, October 27, 2008
Critical Review #7
Miller, Kiri. 2008. Traveling Home: Sacred Harp Singing and American Pluralism. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.
Questions for Kiri:
You talk about how Sacred Harp is “particularly accommodating of participant observation because it welcomes new singers of every age, background, or level of musical training” (27). You also mention that some singers are known to bring recording equipment to conventions along with their lunches. I thought this was interesting and different from others’ experiences with working in the field, and I would like you to speak more about your experiences as an ethnomusicologist. Did you feel your presence had an effect on the performances? Did singers greet you with interest, disapproval, or did they even notice you?
You also begin to describe the complex relationship singers have to the music. For examples, some northerners feel guilty for “diluting” what they see as a southern singing tradition (30), while some singers from the south “recognize and embrace the diversity of the national singing community” (43). How do you self-identify and does that identification have any bearing on how you personally feel about the music? Do your feelings parallel how other singers with the same identification view Sacred Harp singing? Have/How have your feelings changed because of your research?
Discussion Question:
When I think of an ethnography, I usually imagine papers and books written for an audience that does not practice the described musical tradition, and where the primary criticism of the ethnography will come from scholars in the field rather than practitioners of the music. When an ethnography is readily available to the culture it describes, should this have any bearing on how it’s writing? (This leads to more questions for Kiri; did she consider her audience when she wrote the book, and how did singers receive her book?)
Questions for Kiri:
You talk about how Sacred Harp is “particularly accommodating of participant observation because it welcomes new singers of every age, background, or level of musical training” (27). You also mention that some singers are known to bring recording equipment to conventions along with their lunches. I thought this was interesting and different from others’ experiences with working in the field, and I would like you to speak more about your experiences as an ethnomusicologist. Did you feel your presence had an effect on the performances? Did singers greet you with interest, disapproval, or did they even notice you?
You also begin to describe the complex relationship singers have to the music. For examples, some northerners feel guilty for “diluting” what they see as a southern singing tradition (30), while some singers from the south “recognize and embrace the diversity of the national singing community” (43). How do you self-identify and does that identification have any bearing on how you personally feel about the music? Do your feelings parallel how other singers with the same identification view Sacred Harp singing? Have/How have your feelings changed because of your research?
Discussion Question:
When I think of an ethnography, I usually imagine papers and books written for an audience that does not practice the described musical tradition, and where the primary criticism of the ethnography will come from scholars in the field rather than practitioners of the music. When an ethnography is readily available to the culture it describes, should this have any bearing on how it’s writing? (This leads to more questions for Kiri; did she consider her audience when she wrote the book, and how did singers receive her book?)
Challenge Questions
The ability to learn about a culture’s music and the role of that music within culture is easier because of technology. Information can “come from the source;” people from around the world can publish their work for a wider audience. If insider ethnographies exist with more frequency, what is place of outsider ethnographies? Do we need an outsider’s ethnography on a culture when we can readily get an insider’s?
A thought experiment: an isolated island is dominated by a culture that practices human sacrifice. Most anthropologists would say they are within their right; this is a consenting culture existing on its own terms. However, if that island’s population moved to Providence, RI and practiced human sacrifice, most people, probably including anthropologists, would say this is not ok. Ethnomusicologists are concerned with not passing judgment on peoples’ cultures; they see every culture as being valid on its own terms. However, are we allowed to pass judgment on our own culture or traditions happening within our culture? Can we pass judgment on musical traditions, such as white supremacy rock, that exist in our own culture?
A thought experiment: an isolated island is dominated by a culture that practices human sacrifice. Most anthropologists would say they are within their right; this is a consenting culture existing on its own terms. However, if that island’s population moved to Providence, RI and practiced human sacrifice, most people, probably including anthropologists, would say this is not ok. Ethnomusicologists are concerned with not passing judgment on peoples’ cultures; they see every culture as being valid on its own terms. However, are we allowed to pass judgment on our own culture or traditions happening within our culture? Can we pass judgment on musical traditions, such as white supremacy rock, that exist in our own culture?
Monday, October 20, 2008
Field Notes #2: Rehearsal and Interview
I attended an ARRR rehearsal last Friday from 3:00 PM-5:00 PM. Before entering the Zeta Delta Xi Lounge, both pirates and visitors asked “Permission to Board” of the captain, the leader of the group and first person there. After permission was “granted” members of the group flopped onto to couches and began to socialize. A few pirate alumni showed up and they were greeted with hugs and enthusiasm. The captain calmed down the talking and started the rehearsal with a lusty “ARRR!!!!” in which everyone in unison shouted “ARRR!!!!!.” The chaplain read a pirate poem and then members of the group made announcements, which included things like “Hey guys I baked cookies for rehearsal, enjoy” to “These are my parents, they’re going to watch the rehearsal.” Announcements turned into a disorganized but energetic discussion about Parents’ Weekend, during which the pirates plan on having an arch sing. During the discussion of what songs to sing at the concert, pirates would test whether or not they wanted to sing a song by singing it in rehearsal. Usually a confident pirate would burst into song and others joined in after him or her. The pirates evaluated songs based how energetically the group sang them and on whether or not they knew all the words. The cabin boy, serving as the secretary, wrote down which songs they would sing at the concert. Here is a recording of this discussion process with a song:
The pirates also programmed their show to have a variety of styles of songs. They decided on singing a kid-friendly pirate song from Muppet Treasure Island, a slow Sea Shanty ballad, a slightly off-color song, and a call-and-response song, where ARRR would showcase the new pirate members, who would sing the verses. Here is a recording of the pirates practicing their call and response song “Clear Away the Track.” Some of the verses are traditional and some humorous and improvised:
The rehearsal ended with another lusty ARRR!!! And pirates made some more announcements before everybody left or stayed to socialize. The captain expressed interest in partying later that evening.
The rehearsal was very casual and social; pirates sang from their spots on couches, even talked a little with their neighbors in the middle of the songs. There was no vocal instruction, the pirates learn by singing; each new pirate has a binder containing only lyrics to shanties. After the rehearsal, I got the opportunity to interview two pirate alumni of the group, John Cannon and Daniel Byers. This interview gives a very good sense of the theatrical performance aspect and image of the group:
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
John=J, Daniel=D, Mike=M
M: Alright, I’m recording now guys. It’s ok I’ll probably cut this part out.
[pirates making ninja slices noises as they “cut” each other’s throats with their hand, laughter]
M: They’re just being silly. Alright, so who am I with right now?
D: Stephan Blackheart of the pirates of ARRR.
J: I recently renamed myself captain Jack Cannon, the Adder, but in fact I am just a guy
M: So those are your real names or what, your pirate names?
J: Yeah
D: Yarr, our pirate names. I’m a former captain and he’s a former traitor. [Referring to the fact that John wasn’t a very active member his senior year]
J: That’s about right; I’m a former a lot of things.
D: Yes.
M: Ok, so you’re alumni of the group.
D: Since last may we’ve been- graduated.
J: Is that Greek?
M: Alright, I think what they’re trying to tell me is that they are alumni of the group.
[laughter]
M: Alright, so I was wondering if you can tell me what you guys think of ARRR. What is ARRR?
J: What is ARRR?
M: Yeah what is ARRR?
[1:00]
J: ARRR is the last line of defense.
D: -Against the Ninja Menace
J: Among other things.
D: Yes. You See, back in the days when pirates road dinosaurs…
J: And Brown was allowed to have a militia…
D: [laughter] We don’t really know where we’re going with this.
J: I do
[both laugh]
J: Well you see, so obviously, so have you been to other university where they have crenellations on top of their buildings?
M: What’s a crenellation?
J: Crenellations are ramparts if you will, like little arrow slits in the sides-towers- and things like that. That was because they needed archers to defend the campus. But Brown didn’t have the kind of stones they needed for crenellations, they preferred to use granite, all we had was brick here, so instead we decided that we would use a melee force to defend the school and hire mercenaries, who happened to be pirates.
[2:00]
D: -That also however failed to work; the original mercenaries weren’t very affective because every spring, as you know, Brown is submerged in at least ten feet of water, and this brings in many sea-faring beasts, such as the kraken, from the ocean.
J: -And manatees.
D: -And manatees, lots of manatees that constantly barrage the campus with their large, bulbous, grotesque, worm-like bodies.
J: -So once several generations of mercenaries were killed, Brown decided to hire outside help.
D: See, pirates, pirates are special in that they are amphibious; they can both attack on water and on land.
J: I have gills, I think he absorbs oxygen through his skin.
D: -And fires it out in the form of bad TV shows from my eyes.
J: Anything else?
M: Yeah, I was wondering, is ARRR a theatrical performance group, a musical performance group, or like a social organization?
J: It is theatrical, it is vaguely musical at times, what’s the other question?
D: Could all of those options-
M: -A social organization?
J: Socialist?
M: No, like you hang out together, is that the primary purpose-
D: We do hang people sometimes
J: We do hang people, yes
D: -Out-on-
J: Oh, yes.
G: -Lines-
J: Two brave sailors died just last year.
D: It’s a very socialist process.
[3:00]
J: They put their heads on pikes in University Hall
D: That wasn’t so much hanging as sticking, but in general, yes-
J: -Well, we hang them first.
D: We’re socialist in that we all agree who we’re going to hang, and then we do it to the greater common good of people who aren’t be hanged.
J: It’s a Hindu thing.
D: Right. It’s hilarious for the rest of us so the one guy getting hanged goes with it. He’s like “yeah guys, it’ll be so funny for you, I don’t even care.” He usually really drunk at the time.
J: It’s a natural high.
D: That’s the thing that we do here, we get people drunk and hang them.
[laughter]
M: Alright, thank you.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
I also had a more serious interview with Daniel Byers:
In the interview, Dan claims that the group has multiple foci, saying that the goal of group changes depending on who is in the group and who is leading it, however he does say that singing of sea shanties keeps the group together. Dan also claims that Brown students find ARRR attractive because of the mythos of pirates, the casual and quirky feel of the group, the theatrical aspect, and social aspect of the group.
The pirates also programmed their show to have a variety of styles of songs. They decided on singing a kid-friendly pirate song from Muppet Treasure Island, a slow Sea Shanty ballad, a slightly off-color song, and a call-and-response song, where ARRR would showcase the new pirate members, who would sing the verses. Here is a recording of the pirates practicing their call and response song “Clear Away the Track.” Some of the verses are traditional and some humorous and improvised:
The rehearsal ended with another lusty ARRR!!! And pirates made some more announcements before everybody left or stayed to socialize. The captain expressed interest in partying later that evening.
The rehearsal was very casual and social; pirates sang from their spots on couches, even talked a little with their neighbors in the middle of the songs. There was no vocal instruction, the pirates learn by singing; each new pirate has a binder containing only lyrics to shanties. After the rehearsal, I got the opportunity to interview two pirate alumni of the group, John Cannon and Daniel Byers. This interview gives a very good sense of the theatrical performance aspect and image of the group:
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
John=J, Daniel=D, Mike=M
M: Alright, I’m recording now guys. It’s ok I’ll probably cut this part out.
[pirates making ninja slices noises as they “cut” each other’s throats with their hand, laughter]
M: They’re just being silly. Alright, so who am I with right now?
D: Stephan Blackheart of the pirates of ARRR.
J: I recently renamed myself captain Jack Cannon, the Adder, but in fact I am just a guy
M: So those are your real names or what, your pirate names?
J: Yeah
D: Yarr, our pirate names. I’m a former captain and he’s a former traitor. [Referring to the fact that John wasn’t a very active member his senior year]
J: That’s about right; I’m a former a lot of things.
D: Yes.
M: Ok, so you’re alumni of the group.
D: Since last may we’ve been- graduated.
J: Is that Greek?
M: Alright, I think what they’re trying to tell me is that they are alumni of the group.
[laughter]
M: Alright, so I was wondering if you can tell me what you guys think of ARRR. What is ARRR?
J: What is ARRR?
M: Yeah what is ARRR?
[1:00]
J: ARRR is the last line of defense.
D: -Against the Ninja Menace
J: Among other things.
D: Yes. You See, back in the days when pirates road dinosaurs…
J: And Brown was allowed to have a militia…
D: [laughter] We don’t really know where we’re going with this.
J: I do
[both laugh]
J: Well you see, so obviously, so have you been to other university where they have crenellations on top of their buildings?
M: What’s a crenellation?
J: Crenellations are ramparts if you will, like little arrow slits in the sides-towers- and things like that. That was because they needed archers to defend the campus. But Brown didn’t have the kind of stones they needed for crenellations, they preferred to use granite, all we had was brick here, so instead we decided that we would use a melee force to defend the school and hire mercenaries, who happened to be pirates.
[2:00]
D: -That also however failed to work; the original mercenaries weren’t very affective because every spring, as you know, Brown is submerged in at least ten feet of water, and this brings in many sea-faring beasts, such as the kraken, from the ocean.
J: -And manatees.
D: -And manatees, lots of manatees that constantly barrage the campus with their large, bulbous, grotesque, worm-like bodies.
J: -So once several generations of mercenaries were killed, Brown decided to hire outside help.
D: See, pirates, pirates are special in that they are amphibious; they can both attack on water and on land.
J: I have gills, I think he absorbs oxygen through his skin.
D: -And fires it out in the form of bad TV shows from my eyes.
J: Anything else?
M: Yeah, I was wondering, is ARRR a theatrical performance group, a musical performance group, or like a social organization?
J: It is theatrical, it is vaguely musical at times, what’s the other question?
D: Could all of those options-
M: -A social organization?
J: Socialist?
M: No, like you hang out together, is that the primary purpose-
D: We do hang people sometimes
J: We do hang people, yes
D: -Out-on-
J: Oh, yes.
G: -Lines-
J: Two brave sailors died just last year.
D: It’s a very socialist process.
[3:00]
J: They put their heads on pikes in University Hall
D: That wasn’t so much hanging as sticking, but in general, yes-
J: -Well, we hang them first.
D: We’re socialist in that we all agree who we’re going to hang, and then we do it to the greater common good of people who aren’t be hanged.
J: It’s a Hindu thing.
D: Right. It’s hilarious for the rest of us so the one guy getting hanged goes with it. He’s like “yeah guys, it’ll be so funny for you, I don’t even care.” He usually really drunk at the time.
J: It’s a natural high.
D: That’s the thing that we do here, we get people drunk and hang them.
[laughter]
M: Alright, thank you.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
I also had a more serious interview with Daniel Byers:
In the interview, Dan claims that the group has multiple foci, saying that the goal of group changes depending on who is in the group and who is leading it, however he does say that singing of sea shanties keeps the group together. Dan also claims that Brown students find ARRR attractive because of the mythos of pirates, the casual and quirky feel of the group, the theatrical aspect, and social aspect of the group.
Saturday, October 18, 2008
Critical Review #6
Nettle, Bruno. 1995. Heartland Excursions: Ethnomusicological Reflections on Schools of Music. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.
In chapter one of his book Heartland Excursions, Bruno Nettle claims that Western art music can be compared to a religious system, where the deities are the great composers (Mozart, Beethoven, Wagner, etcetera) and priests and laity are the historians and performers (15). At one point, Nettl supports his claim by comparing western perspectives on music to Greek mythology. Just like Greek gods, the “gods” of western art music have relationships with each other, ranking, and distinct musical images (21). As an example, Nettl contrast the modern images of a child-like Mozart, whose compositions supposedly appeared full-formed in his mind, with the image of a hard-shelled Beethoven, who labored intensely over his music. Nettl claims that these contrasting symbolic representations of composers reveal insights into western culture, one, relating the Mozart/Beethoven example, being the presence of a dichotomy between inspiration, nature’s gift to man, and labor, man’s own accomplishment (27-28) in western culture.
This article reminded me of how I imagine a psychologist would clinically describe a patient’s problems. I think if this article were written about another culture’s music or by a non-westerner, it would sound critical and dated; it is not reflective and doesn’t bring in outside voices. Why is it that anthropologists are so concerned with not passing judgment on peoples’ cultures, but seem to put down their own culture? Can your own culture the only culture you can be openly critical about?
In chapter one of his book Heartland Excursions, Bruno Nettle claims that Western art music can be compared to a religious system, where the deities are the great composers (Mozart, Beethoven, Wagner, etcetera) and priests and laity are the historians and performers (15). At one point, Nettl supports his claim by comparing western perspectives on music to Greek mythology. Just like Greek gods, the “gods” of western art music have relationships with each other, ranking, and distinct musical images (21). As an example, Nettl contrast the modern images of a child-like Mozart, whose compositions supposedly appeared full-formed in his mind, with the image of a hard-shelled Beethoven, who labored intensely over his music. Nettl claims that these contrasting symbolic representations of composers reveal insights into western culture, one, relating the Mozart/Beethoven example, being the presence of a dichotomy between inspiration, nature’s gift to man, and labor, man’s own accomplishment (27-28) in western culture.
This article reminded me of how I imagine a psychologist would clinically describe a patient’s problems. I think if this article were written about another culture’s music or by a non-westerner, it would sound critical and dated; it is not reflective and doesn’t bring in outside voices. Why is it that anthropologists are so concerned with not passing judgment on peoples’ cultures, but seem to put down their own culture? Can your own culture the only culture you can be openly critical about?
Wednesday, October 8, 2008
Critical Review #5
Barz, Gregory F. "Confronting the Field(note) In and Out of the Field." In Shadows in the Field: New Perspectives for Fieldwork in Ethnomusicology edited by Barz, Gregory F. and Timothy J. Cooley, 206-223. New York: Oxford University Press.
In his article Confronting the Field(note) In and Out of the Field, Barz makes the argument that fieldnotes mediate between experience in the field and interpretation outside the field. Barz claims that a fieldnote “ ‘changes’ whatever experience it focuses on, whether through magnification, clarification, examination, or reduction” (210); ethmusicologists reflect on, and consequently change, their sensory experience in the field by writing a fieldnote. For Barz, this reflective process of writing fieldnotes opens the door to interpretation. For example, fieldnotes have helped him see experiences form different perspectives (213) or uncover new questions he may have not have considered before putting his thoughts into writing (214).
After writing my own fieldnotes, I understand Barz’s point that writing down your experiences in the field is a form of reflection that can lead to new insights. For me, writing about my experiences and perceptions of pirates led me to interesting questions about the role and image of ARRR on Brown Campus.
So how would an ethnomusicologist incorporate fieldnotes into an ethnography? Should ethnographers include their notes in appendix’s or blog, or should explain how they reached their interpretation by referencing their notes directly?
In his article Confronting the Field(note) In and Out of the Field, Barz makes the argument that fieldnotes mediate between experience in the field and interpretation outside the field. Barz claims that a fieldnote “ ‘changes’ whatever experience it focuses on, whether through magnification, clarification, examination, or reduction” (210); ethmusicologists reflect on, and consequently change, their sensory experience in the field by writing a fieldnote. For Barz, this reflective process of writing fieldnotes opens the door to interpretation. For example, fieldnotes have helped him see experiences form different perspectives (213) or uncover new questions he may have not have considered before putting his thoughts into writing (214).
After writing my own fieldnotes, I understand Barz’s point that writing down your experiences in the field is a form of reflection that can lead to new insights. For me, writing about my experiences and perceptions of pirates led me to interesting questions about the role and image of ARRR on Brown Campus.
So how would an ethnomusicologist incorporate fieldnotes into an ethnography? Should ethnographers include their notes in appendix’s or blog, or should explain how they reached their interpretation by referencing their notes directly?
Monday, October 6, 2008
Field Notes: Initial Observations and Interview
As I already mentioned in a previous post, I will be researching ARRR!!!! (for now on referred to without the exclamation points), the Brown University pirate a cappella group that sings sea shanties. Because ARRR just started rehearsing with its new members, I haven’t gone to any rehearsals yet, and there haven’t been any concerts this year since early September. I took the opportunity during this “waiting time” to reflect on my experiences with and my perceptions of the group.
I was standing under Wayland Arch when I first learned about ARRR from a peppy Brown University tour guide. A junior in high school at the time, I was on a road trip with my parents and my high school friend Joe Maurer, visiting colleges. Brown was one of the few schools that gave Joe and me great first impressions. The pretty main campus and quiet green, the noticeably happy and helpful students, and the strategic placement of stunning cherry trees around admissions, in conjunction with our knowledge of the University’s liberal attitude towards everything from core curriculums to alcohol regulation, made Brown seem like the most appealing college I could hope to go to. When we first heard about ARRR under Wayland Arch, Brown only continued to gain points with me. In a small way, the mere existence of ARRR contributed to my desire to apply to Brown. Now, I am a Brown University undergraduate student, typing an assignment for a Brown University music class. Joe “Bloody-Violet” Maurer is only half-a-Patriots’ Court away, possibly doing the same thing as me.
Why was and is ARRR so appealing to me? The group does not have the “musical” or “technical” prestige of the other a cappella groups on campus such as the Jabberwocks or the Brown Derbies; at their concerts, the pirates, the members of the group, are sometimes out-of-tune and forget words. There is no organized harmony for most songs; members improvise their own harmonies. Do I like the repertoire of sea shanties? Yes, but there’s more than sea shanties that attracts me to the group; it’s my perception of their unique style and image. Prospective pirates audition in character and full costume. Their performances feature debaucherous and bawdy skits, comedic energy, and lightheartedness. The pirates engage with the audience, often singing directly to volunteers. They come off as a cohesive fun-loving group, entertaining the audience with a hybrid of music and comedic theatre. When people talk about pirates outside of their concerts, some people smile or laugh, some people role their eyes.
I obviously see ARRR as more than “just” a choral group whose repertoire is sea shanties; they are a theatrical group and they have a distinct cultural image on Brown campus. For me, they have a casual but energetic and goofy image, and the fact that they aren’t technically “on-par” with most traditional musical groups on campus doesn’t negatively affect that image in my head. In fact, it may strengthen it.
These initial observations and reactions I’m having to ARRR bring up a lot of questions. If performing and preserving a traditional music is not the main purpose of the group, then what is the role of the music in this group? Is it important that the songs are sea shanties, or would the group image not work if they sang a different style of music? Do my initial thoughts on ARRR match-up with what the pirates and other Brown students think of the group’s role on campus?
I started to research the answers to some of these questions by interviewing Lorraine “Tuna” Fryer about her emic perspective about ARRR (interview edited):
Lorraine shared her and other pirates’ perspective on the role of the group. For Lorraine, ARRR is primarily a social group; the performances, both musical and theatrical, are second to the hanging-out, singing, and drinking they do apart from performing. Other pirates place more weight on the theatrical performance or musical performance aspects of ARRR. She also gave her perspective on the purpose of ARRR performances. She talked about the theatrical aspect, claming that it’s entertaining to watch people crazier than you putting on a spectacle and that each show is a “moment of fun surreality” for the audience.
While talking about the reason why ARRR is so popular, Lorraine began to allude to my observation of ARRR’s public image on Brown campus, saying ARRR is “part of what makes Brown, Brown.” I want to find out more about how ARRR makes Brown, Brown. I may interview an ARRR fan or a random Brown student to see what their opinion of ARRR’s place on Brown campus is.
I was standing under Wayland Arch when I first learned about ARRR from a peppy Brown University tour guide. A junior in high school at the time, I was on a road trip with my parents and my high school friend Joe Maurer, visiting colleges. Brown was one of the few schools that gave Joe and me great first impressions. The pretty main campus and quiet green, the noticeably happy and helpful students, and the strategic placement of stunning cherry trees around admissions, in conjunction with our knowledge of the University’s liberal attitude towards everything from core curriculums to alcohol regulation, made Brown seem like the most appealing college I could hope to go to. When we first heard about ARRR under Wayland Arch, Brown only continued to gain points with me. In a small way, the mere existence of ARRR contributed to my desire to apply to Brown. Now, I am a Brown University undergraduate student, typing an assignment for a Brown University music class. Joe “Bloody-Violet” Maurer is only half-a-Patriots’ Court away, possibly doing the same thing as me.
Why was and is ARRR so appealing to me? The group does not have the “musical” or “technical” prestige of the other a cappella groups on campus such as the Jabberwocks or the Brown Derbies; at their concerts, the pirates, the members of the group, are sometimes out-of-tune and forget words. There is no organized harmony for most songs; members improvise their own harmonies. Do I like the repertoire of sea shanties? Yes, but there’s more than sea shanties that attracts me to the group; it’s my perception of their unique style and image. Prospective pirates audition in character and full costume. Their performances feature debaucherous and bawdy skits, comedic energy, and lightheartedness. The pirates engage with the audience, often singing directly to volunteers. They come off as a cohesive fun-loving group, entertaining the audience with a hybrid of music and comedic theatre. When people talk about pirates outside of their concerts, some people smile or laugh, some people role their eyes.
I obviously see ARRR as more than “just” a choral group whose repertoire is sea shanties; they are a theatrical group and they have a distinct cultural image on Brown campus. For me, they have a casual but energetic and goofy image, and the fact that they aren’t technically “on-par” with most traditional musical groups on campus doesn’t negatively affect that image in my head. In fact, it may strengthen it.
These initial observations and reactions I’m having to ARRR bring up a lot of questions. If performing and preserving a traditional music is not the main purpose of the group, then what is the role of the music in this group? Is it important that the songs are sea shanties, or would the group image not work if they sang a different style of music? Do my initial thoughts on ARRR match-up with what the pirates and other Brown students think of the group’s role on campus?
I started to research the answers to some of these questions by interviewing Lorraine “Tuna” Fryer about her emic perspective about ARRR (interview edited):
Lorraine shared her and other pirates’ perspective on the role of the group. For Lorraine, ARRR is primarily a social group; the performances, both musical and theatrical, are second to the hanging-out, singing, and drinking they do apart from performing. Other pirates place more weight on the theatrical performance or musical performance aspects of ARRR. She also gave her perspective on the purpose of ARRR performances. She talked about the theatrical aspect, claming that it’s entertaining to watch people crazier than you putting on a spectacle and that each show is a “moment of fun surreality” for the audience.
While talking about the reason why ARRR is so popular, Lorraine began to allude to my observation of ARRR’s public image on Brown campus, saying ARRR is “part of what makes Brown, Brown.” I want to find out more about how ARRR makes Brown, Brown. I may interview an ARRR fan or a random Brown student to see what their opinion of ARRR’s place on Brown campus is.
Sunday, September 28, 2008
Critical Review #4
Titon, Jeff Todd. 2008. “Knowing Fieldwork.” In Shadows in the Field: New Perspectives for Fieldwork in Ethnomusicology edited by Gregory F. Barz and Timothy J. Cooley, 25-41. New York: Oxford University Press.
In his article, Jeff Titon writes that fieldwork should focus on understanding a culture’s music through performance-participation rather than on explaining a culture’s music through data gathering. Titon makes the interesting observation that when asked to talk about their music, the “[subjects] often speak in terms of personal experience and understanding rather than offer systematic explanation” (36). By observing that cultures rank personal/communal experience over musical systems and by claiming that “musically is socially constructed cultural phenomenon” (30) rather than having a scientific distinction, Titon enforces his idea that music needs to be understood through the cultural relationships between the performers and through the unique experience of making music, which he elegantly describes as being a “radical form of suspension” (32) where there is “no longer any self awareness” (32).
I agree with Titon’s approach to understanding music by communally participating in or experiencing its creation; I think a lot of American pop music could not be fully “understood” simply by doing field research or analyzing harmonies; the community “vibe” of the rock musicians and listeners during the Summer of Love is just as if not more important than the structural analysis of songs those musicians wrote. So how can ethnomusicological writing and lectures change to accommodate observations? Should universities offer more music master classes where people can encounter the communal experience of making music? Should lectures about specific cultures’ music be supplemented with these classes?
In his article, Jeff Titon writes that fieldwork should focus on understanding a culture’s music through performance-participation rather than on explaining a culture’s music through data gathering. Titon makes the interesting observation that when asked to talk about their music, the “[subjects] often speak in terms of personal experience and understanding rather than offer systematic explanation” (36). By observing that cultures rank personal/communal experience over musical systems and by claiming that “musically is socially constructed cultural phenomenon” (30) rather than having a scientific distinction, Titon enforces his idea that music needs to be understood through the cultural relationships between the performers and through the unique experience of making music, which he elegantly describes as being a “radical form of suspension” (32) where there is “no longer any self awareness” (32).
I agree with Titon’s approach to understanding music by communally participating in or experiencing its creation; I think a lot of American pop music could not be fully “understood” simply by doing field research or analyzing harmonies; the community “vibe” of the rock musicians and listeners during the Summer of Love is just as if not more important than the structural analysis of songs those musicians wrote. So how can ethnomusicological writing and lectures change to accommodate observations? Should universities offer more music master classes where people can encounter the communal experience of making music? Should lectures about specific cultures’ music be supplemented with these classes?
Saturday, September 27, 2008
Critical Review #3
Agawu, Kofi. 2003.“The Ethics of Observation.” Representing African Music. New York: Routledge.
In the chapter “The Ethics of Observation” from his book Representing African Music, Kofi Agawu observes that there has been little discussion about ethics in the field of ethnomusicology. Instead of trying to construct his own model of what is ethical in ethnographic research, Agawu’s writing initiates this conversation about ethics by posing questions about the ethics of his own and his colleagues research, most of which he leaves unanswered.
In addressing his own fieldwork experience, for example, Agawu cites one event in which he lied to an African chief in order the protect the safety of an individual in his research team (212) and then poses the ethical question “is there virtue in deception?” (213). In addressing his colleague Kisliuk’s research, Agawu explores the ethics of protecting a culture from globalization, if that culture welcomes it (217). In addition to posing more questions about his own and Kisliuk’s very reflexive research, he also lists other ethical dilemmas, such as the ethics of studying inappropriately obtained field recordings or writing about secret ceremonies (204).
Agawu’s primary purpose for presenting these and other ethical dilemmas is to show the lack of formal discussion about ethics in ethnomusicology writing. What bothers me about Aqawu’s writing is that he never answers any of his own general questions or attempts to formulate how to answer these questions. Aqawu eventually proposes his own stance on ethics in ethnomusicology stating that ethnomusicologists should adopt an “ethical attitude” (220) while doing fieldwork. However, he then says that this attitude “cannot be defined in terms of praxis, as a set of prescriptions for social action” (220) and that “concrete prescriptions risk betraying their own thorough imbrications in the intricacies of local context” (220). If Aqawu is saying that ethical practices are closely tied to their specific contexts, then how can there be an organized, intelligent discussion about ethics in something as large and general as a whole field of humanities? How is he then justified in being critical of this lack of discussion?
The ethical dilemmas Aqawu poses and does answer deal exclusively with specific situations. If Aqawu is actually trying to be critical about the lack of ethnomusicologists’ reflexivity and discussion of ethics in the specifics of their own work, then he should clarify this.
In the chapter “The Ethics of Observation” from his book Representing African Music, Kofi Agawu observes that there has been little discussion about ethics in the field of ethnomusicology. Instead of trying to construct his own model of what is ethical in ethnographic research, Agawu’s writing initiates this conversation about ethics by posing questions about the ethics of his own and his colleagues research, most of which he leaves unanswered.
In addressing his own fieldwork experience, for example, Agawu cites one event in which he lied to an African chief in order the protect the safety of an individual in his research team (212) and then poses the ethical question “is there virtue in deception?” (213). In addressing his colleague Kisliuk’s research, Agawu explores the ethics of protecting a culture from globalization, if that culture welcomes it (217). In addition to posing more questions about his own and Kisliuk’s very reflexive research, he also lists other ethical dilemmas, such as the ethics of studying inappropriately obtained field recordings or writing about secret ceremonies (204).
Agawu’s primary purpose for presenting these and other ethical dilemmas is to show the lack of formal discussion about ethics in ethnomusicology writing. What bothers me about Aqawu’s writing is that he never answers any of his own general questions or attempts to formulate how to answer these questions. Aqawu eventually proposes his own stance on ethics in ethnomusicology stating that ethnomusicologists should adopt an “ethical attitude” (220) while doing fieldwork. However, he then says that this attitude “cannot be defined in terms of praxis, as a set of prescriptions for social action” (220) and that “concrete prescriptions risk betraying their own thorough imbrications in the intricacies of local context” (220). If Aqawu is saying that ethical practices are closely tied to their specific contexts, then how can there be an organized, intelligent discussion about ethics in something as large and general as a whole field of humanities? How is he then justified in being critical of this lack of discussion?
The ethical dilemmas Aqawu poses and does answer deal exclusively with specific situations. If Aqawu is actually trying to be critical about the lack of ethnomusicologists’ reflexivity and discussion of ethics in the specifics of their own work, then he should clarify this.
Monday, September 22, 2008
Fieldwork Project Topic
As of right now, I will be doing my fieldwork presentation on ARRR!!!, the all-pirate a cappella group from Brown University, still pending official approval by the group. Besides my interest to learn more about Northern European sea shanties, I’m also curious about the role of ARRR!!!’s music in not only creating a unique aural experience, but a unique theatrical experience as well. I would like to explore how ARRR!!!’s music contributes to their image on campus, and how that image in turn contributes to this theatrical component of their performances. I’m also interested to learn about what the pirates think of their music, their role in the performances, and their image on campus.
SEM History Post
Reading the 1950s Society of Ethnomusicology journals was at times cynically entertaining. The authors often referred to cultures with less-than-politically-correct adjectives such as “primitive” (May 1957, 15), or did such ethically sketchy things as selling field recordings for profit: “Folkways Records…announced discount of 33 1/3% on all ethnic recordings to members of the Society of Ethnomusicologists” (January 1956, 28). These observations were not unexpected given the time period. I had imagined that the articles would be condescending towards other cultures, but I was surprised that they barely discussed the cultures they were studying at all. Many of the SEM articles from the 1950s placed more emphasis on the collection of “music-data” such as recordings, transcriptions, and technical descriptions of instruments, than on the role or development of music in a culture. The SEM articles from 2007 focused more on the role of music in cultures.
The first article I came across when skimming the 1950s SEM Journals was “An Apache Fiddle” by David P. McAllester (September 1956, 1-5). In the article, the author provides lots of detail about the physical specifications, construction, and sound of this unique one-stringed fiddle (McAllester lists specific dimensions, transcribes melodies, and included a diagram) but ignores the role of the fiddle in the Apache culture. McAllester barely acknowledges interacting with Apaches and offers no explanation as to the role of this fiddle music in their culture, focusing instead on the instrument as end. This emphasis on concrete music-data rather than cultural context made the article read less like an anthropology paper, which would synthesize ideas, and more like a how-to book or an architect’s blue-prints. In the same 1956 SEM journal, McAllester gives a positive review of another colleague’s musicological work in central and South America , sighting Samuel Marti’s contributions of “thirty-six transcriptions” and “photographs of ancient and modern instruments” (28). This review again places emphasis on music-data; the author commends Marti on his documentation of the sound and the tools that manifest sound. The ethnomusicologist has completely detached the culture from the concrete aspects of his project.
Mantle Hood, in an article about research methods (January 1957, 2-8), sums-up this 1950s emphasis on music-data, stating that “the ethnomusicologist is a research scholar, and he aims primarily at knowledge about music” (2). This 1950s definition for the role of an ethnomusicologist surprised me and reads more like the definition for the role of a music theorist. Based on all the readings we’ve done so far for Music 1900, it seems that a modern ethnomusicologist might revise Hood’s definition to read “the ethnomusicologist is a research scholar, and he/she aims primarily at understanding the relationship of cultures to music and music to cultures.” Whereas Hood’s definition of “ethnomusicologist” puts emphasis on the tangible qualities of music, this alternate definition values the interplay between culture and music.
The SEM articles I read from 2007 support the newer definition I proposed. In her article “Stepping Across the Divide: Hasidic Music in Today’s Yiddish Canon” (Spring/Summer 2007, 205-237) Abigail Wood spends three pages introducing the Hasidic culture, reflexively prefacing with a description of her experience in Hasidic Brooklyn, before even mentioning music. When she does mention music, Wood first describes the role two closely associated musics, paraliturgical song in Hasidic culture, and klezmer music in secular Jewish culture, before even mentioning her own fieldwork. Her own work does not expound upon the descriptions of both groups’ music. Instead, it focuses on the relationship between these groups. Similarly, Timothy Rommen’s article “’Localize It’: Rock, Cosmopolitanism, and the Nation in Trinidad” (Fall 2007, 371-401) does not focus on describing rock music from Trinidad, but mainly details the role of rock music in Trinidadian culture.
The shift in focus from the earlier to later SEM journals’ articles suggests a gradual shift in the field of ethnomusicology in the last half-century. The focus turns away from a scientific approach, focused on collecting, preserving, and theoretically analyzing music-data, towards a literary or social-science approach, focused on explaining musical-cultural phenomenon.
The first article I came across when skimming the 1950s SEM Journals was “An Apache Fiddle” by David P. McAllester (September 1956, 1-5). In the article, the author provides lots of detail about the physical specifications, construction, and sound of this unique one-stringed fiddle (McAllester lists specific dimensions, transcribes melodies, and included a diagram) but ignores the role of the fiddle in the Apache culture. McAllester barely acknowledges interacting with Apaches and offers no explanation as to the role of this fiddle music in their culture, focusing instead on the instrument as end. This emphasis on concrete music-data rather than cultural context made the article read less like an anthropology paper, which would synthesize ideas, and more like a how-to book or an architect’s blue-prints. In the same 1956 SEM journal, McAllester gives a positive review of another colleague’s musicological work in central and South America , sighting Samuel Marti’s contributions of “thirty-six transcriptions” and “photographs of ancient and modern instruments” (28). This review again places emphasis on music-data; the author commends Marti on his documentation of the sound and the tools that manifest sound. The ethnomusicologist has completely detached the culture from the concrete aspects of his project.
Mantle Hood, in an article about research methods (January 1957, 2-8), sums-up this 1950s emphasis on music-data, stating that “the ethnomusicologist is a research scholar, and he aims primarily at knowledge about music” (2). This 1950s definition for the role of an ethnomusicologist surprised me and reads more like the definition for the role of a music theorist. Based on all the readings we’ve done so far for Music 1900, it seems that a modern ethnomusicologist might revise Hood’s definition to read “the ethnomusicologist is a research scholar, and he/she aims primarily at understanding the relationship of cultures to music and music to cultures.” Whereas Hood’s definition of “ethnomusicologist” puts emphasis on the tangible qualities of music, this alternate definition values the interplay between culture and music.
The SEM articles I read from 2007 support the newer definition I proposed. In her article “Stepping Across the Divide: Hasidic Music in Today’s Yiddish Canon” (Spring/Summer 2007, 205-237) Abigail Wood spends three pages introducing the Hasidic culture, reflexively prefacing with a description of her experience in Hasidic Brooklyn, before even mentioning music. When she does mention music, Wood first describes the role two closely associated musics, paraliturgical song in Hasidic culture, and klezmer music in secular Jewish culture, before even mentioning her own fieldwork. Her own work does not expound upon the descriptions of both groups’ music. Instead, it focuses on the relationship between these groups. Similarly, Timothy Rommen’s article “’Localize It’: Rock, Cosmopolitanism, and the Nation in Trinidad” (Fall 2007, 371-401) does not focus on describing rock music from Trinidad, but mainly details the role of rock music in Trinidadian culture.
The shift in focus from the earlier to later SEM journals’ articles suggests a gradual shift in the field of ethnomusicology in the last half-century. The focus turns away from a scientific approach, focused on collecting, preserving, and theoretically analyzing music-data, towards a literary or social-science approach, focused on explaining musical-cultural phenomenon.
Wednesday, September 17, 2008
Critical Review #2
Shelemay, Kay Kaufman. 1997. “The Ethnomusicologist, Ethnographic Method, and the Transmission of Tradition.” Shadows in the Field: New Perspectives for Fieldwork in Ethnomusicology, Barz and Cooley (2008): 41-56.
The main point I feel Shelemay makes in this article is that ethnomusicologists doing fieldwork have a noticeable impact on cultures’ music. She sights three different case studies, her experience with Syrian Jews and others’ studies of Japanese-Hawaiian Drummers (1549-150) and the Falasha of Ethiopia (150), where cultures saw the fieldworker as someone who would keep their traditions alive. In some cases, the ethnomusicologist not only documented their music culture, but their presence and research contributed to the spreading of interest in that music. I previously knew that ethnomusicologists mediated between the “community and outsiders” (151), helping to promote understanding and writing for an audience that may not be familiar with the culture. What I did not know, and what Shelemay points out, is that an ethnomusicologist can give insight on a culture’s music to the people who actually produce it (151).
I see Shelemay’s thesis as positive one, even though she stays neutral about the effect of ethnomusicologists on cultures’ music. So my question is what is the benefit of ethnomusicologists not having a relationship with a music culture? I agree with what Shelemay is saying, but I don’t see any overarching ethical problems with them. Don’t these relationships enrich an ethnomusicologist’s research?
The main point I feel Shelemay makes in this article is that ethnomusicologists doing fieldwork have a noticeable impact on cultures’ music. She sights three different case studies, her experience with Syrian Jews and others’ studies of Japanese-Hawaiian Drummers (1549-150) and the Falasha of Ethiopia (150), where cultures saw the fieldworker as someone who would keep their traditions alive. In some cases, the ethnomusicologist not only documented their music culture, but their presence and research contributed to the spreading of interest in that music. I previously knew that ethnomusicologists mediated between the “community and outsiders” (151), helping to promote understanding and writing for an audience that may not be familiar with the culture. What I did not know, and what Shelemay points out, is that an ethnomusicologist can give insight on a culture’s music to the people who actually produce it (151).
I see Shelemay’s thesis as positive one, even though she stays neutral about the effect of ethnomusicologists on cultures’ music. So my question is what is the benefit of ethnomusicologists not having a relationship with a music culture? I agree with what Shelemay is saying, but I don’t see any overarching ethical problems with them. Don’t these relationships enrich an ethnomusicologist’s research?
Monday, September 15, 2008
Critical Review #1
Handler, Richard and Jocelyn Linnekin. “Tradition, Genuine or Spurious.” Journal of American Folklore 97.385 (1984): 273-290.
The main point I feel Hander and Linnekin make is that the classical definition of the word “tradition” as a culture’s traits and customs that are passed down and definable, is incorrect. Instead, they show through case studies that “traditions” can be better understood as symbolic reinterpretations of the past. I have always thought of traditions as tangible or at least list-able, so this well-argued perspective made me reevaluate how I think about traditions.
The authors makes a convincing argument by sighting examples in which traditions perceived as being passed-down were actually rediscovered by professionals and presented in modern contexts that have little to do with their original context. Not only are these traditions not passed-down, in their new context and by being understood as “traditional,” they are also infused with new meaning [280]. For example, where a child’s toy from the past was just a child’s toy, now it is a symbol of craftsmanship. The authors also argue that even activities that are passed down always derive their meaning from a “modern context” [283]. For example, comparisons to modern cities may infuse a passed-down country living and farming lifestyle with purity or other characteristics that did not exist in the past.
In saying that tradition is constantly being reinterpreted, Hander and Linnekin imply that there is can never be a static representation of tradition. How does this challenge the idea of tradition in music, especially music deemed as “traditional” such folk or Irish fiddling?
The main point I feel Hander and Linnekin make is that the classical definition of the word “tradition” as a culture’s traits and customs that are passed down and definable, is incorrect. Instead, they show through case studies that “traditions” can be better understood as symbolic reinterpretations of the past. I have always thought of traditions as tangible or at least list-able, so this well-argued perspective made me reevaluate how I think about traditions.
The authors makes a convincing argument by sighting examples in which traditions perceived as being passed-down were actually rediscovered by professionals and presented in modern contexts that have little to do with their original context. Not only are these traditions not passed-down, in their new context and by being understood as “traditional,” they are also infused with new meaning [280]. For example, where a child’s toy from the past was just a child’s toy, now it is a symbol of craftsmanship. The authors also argue that even activities that are passed down always derive their meaning from a “modern context” [283]. For example, comparisons to modern cities may infuse a passed-down country living and farming lifestyle with purity or other characteristics that did not exist in the past.
In saying that tradition is constantly being reinterpreted, Hander and Linnekin imply that there is can never be a static representation of tradition. How does this challenge the idea of tradition in music, especially music deemed as “traditional” such folk or Irish fiddling?
24-Hour Music Log: 10 AM, Saturday 13th September- 10 AM, Sunday 14th September
To put some of the locations in context, here is a quick summary of my log-day. My dad drove me up from Brown to my dentist appointment in Massachusetts. My family then went out for lunch with my brother for his birthday and came home for his birthday party. My dad drove me back to Brown the following morning. Interestingly, I did not pick any of the music.
Log: 10 AM, Saturday 13th September- 10 AM, Sunday 14th September
Car
10:23 AM. CD Kind of Blue by Miles Davis. Listened to entire album.
11:16 AM. Banjo finger picking solo piece about road kill stew. Interlude during Car Talk radio show.
11:18 AM. Radio Commercial. Simple drum beat with rock rhythm guitar.
11:19 AM. Radio Commercial. Intro theme to “All Things Considered” Straight ahead jazz piece with piano, bass, and horn section.
11:20 AM. "Dawggy Mountain Breakdown" by David Grisman. Blue grass finger picking banjo with violin accompaniment. The Car Talk theme song.
Dentist’s Office
11:25 AM. Commercial music. There is a TV in waiting room.
Erie synthesized keyboard music behind Goosebumps commercial.
Cheesy Rock featuring saxophones, guitar, and drums behind action toy commercial.
Epic neo-classical choral music behind a Yu Gi Oh! commercial.
Big Band swing music behind a cartoon commercial.
11:28 AM. TV show music for cartoon “Chaotic.” Synthesized classical mood music.
11:40 AM. Commercial music again.
“Blueberry Pop Tart Blues.” Slow vocal-and-guitar blues piece sung by a pop tart.
Dentist’s Chair
11:40 AM-12:07 PM. Soft rock and soft pop playing continuously over the XM radio in room my teeth are cleaned in. “Bay I Love Your Way” by Big Mountain and “MMMBop” by Hanson.
Dentist’s Office
12:15 PM. String quartet music drifting in from another room in office, synthesized smooth saxophone jazz from infomercial on TV
Car
12:15 PM. CD Sound of a Trio, by Oscar Peterson. “Green Dolphin Street”
Diner
2:00 PM. Spanish big band music with horn section and male vocals coming from restaurant across the street.
Car
2:23 PM. Somalian Bantu music segment on NPR
2:28 PM. Changed radio station. Straight-ahead Jazz. Oscar Peterson’s “Girl Talk.”
Party
5:50 PM. Radio on while guests arrive. Another public radio jazz show.
Perez Predo, “Hi Ho Hi Ho.” Electric organ jazz/funk version of a Snow White song
Fats Waller, “Get Some Cash for Your Trash”
Charles Brown, “Bad Mistake”
6:25 PM. Uncle plays Russian folk songs on acoustic guitar
7:40-8:00 PM. My dad (upright bass), uncle (ukelele), brother (piano) start playing music
A-minor blues
Cannonball Adderly, “Mercy Mercy Mercy”
John Coltrane, “Equinox”
9:35 PM. My brother plays “old school” Rhythm and Blues, Latin big band riffs on the piano
Watching TV
11:50 PM. Corny fast saxophone jazz accompanying an SNL skit followed by rap from the musical guest, Little Wayne
Car
9:45 AM. CD Flowers by the Rolling Stones.
“My Girl” cover
“Backstreet Girl”
“Please Go Home”
“Mother’s Little Helper”
Log: 10 AM, Saturday 13th September- 10 AM, Sunday 14th September
Car
10:23 AM. CD Kind of Blue by Miles Davis. Listened to entire album.
11:16 AM. Banjo finger picking solo piece about road kill stew. Interlude during Car Talk radio show.
11:18 AM. Radio Commercial. Simple drum beat with rock rhythm guitar.
11:19 AM. Radio Commercial. Intro theme to “All Things Considered” Straight ahead jazz piece with piano, bass, and horn section.
11:20 AM. "Dawggy Mountain Breakdown" by David Grisman. Blue grass finger picking banjo with violin accompaniment. The Car Talk theme song.
Dentist’s Office
11:25 AM. Commercial music. There is a TV in waiting room.
Erie synthesized keyboard music behind Goosebumps commercial.
Cheesy Rock featuring saxophones, guitar, and drums behind action toy commercial.
Epic neo-classical choral music behind a Yu Gi Oh! commercial.
Big Band swing music behind a cartoon commercial.
11:28 AM. TV show music for cartoon “Chaotic.” Synthesized classical mood music.
11:40 AM. Commercial music again.
“Blueberry Pop Tart Blues.” Slow vocal-and-guitar blues piece sung by a pop tart.
Dentist’s Chair
11:40 AM-12:07 PM. Soft rock and soft pop playing continuously over the XM radio in room my teeth are cleaned in. “Bay I Love Your Way” by Big Mountain and “MMMBop” by Hanson.
Dentist’s Office
12:15 PM. String quartet music drifting in from another room in office, synthesized smooth saxophone jazz from infomercial on TV
Car
12:15 PM. CD Sound of a Trio, by Oscar Peterson. “Green Dolphin Street”
Diner
2:00 PM. Spanish big band music with horn section and male vocals coming from restaurant across the street.
Car
2:23 PM. Somalian Bantu music segment on NPR
2:28 PM. Changed radio station. Straight-ahead Jazz. Oscar Peterson’s “Girl Talk.”
Party
5:50 PM. Radio on while guests arrive. Another public radio jazz show.
Perez Predo, “Hi Ho Hi Ho.” Electric organ jazz/funk version of a Snow White song
Fats Waller, “Get Some Cash for Your Trash”
Charles Brown, “Bad Mistake”
6:25 PM. Uncle plays Russian folk songs on acoustic guitar
7:40-8:00 PM. My dad (upright bass), uncle (ukelele), brother (piano) start playing music
A-minor blues
Cannonball Adderly, “Mercy Mercy Mercy”
John Coltrane, “Equinox”
9:35 PM. My brother plays “old school” Rhythm and Blues, Latin big band riffs on the piano
Watching TV
11:50 PM. Corny fast saxophone jazz accompanying an SNL skit followed by rap from the musical guest, Little Wayne
Car
9:45 AM. CD Flowers by the Rolling Stones.
“My Girl” cover
“Backstreet Girl”
“Please Go Home”
“Mother’s Little Helper”
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